WOMEN IN POLITICS: ARE QUOTAS ENOUGH IN NEPAL’S DEMOCRACY?

Nepal’s political landscape has undergone a significant transformation over the last few decades, particularly concerning women’s representation. The introduction of constitutional gender quotas has marked a notable shift in the composition of elected offices, signaling a commitment to gender-inclusive governance. Women now hold a substantial share of political positions across federal, provincial, and local levels. On the surface, these developments appear to suggest that Nepal has taken decisive steps toward dismantling patriarchal power structures. Yet a more critical inquiry reveals that while quotas have facilitated access, they have not fully ensured empowerment, voice, or influence. The presence of women in politics, while increasingly visible, remains constrained by structural inequalities, tokenism, and limited political agency within a male-dominated system.

The roots of Nepal’s political exclusion of women run deep. For much of its history, politics in Nepal was the preserve of men, with women’s participation largely symbolic. Dwarika Devi Thakurani’s election to Parliament in 1959 was an early milestone, yet it did little to disrupt the prevailing norms that kept women on the margins. The restoration of democracy in 1990 offered some constitutional acknowledgment of women’s rights, but actual progress in terms of political inclusion was negligible. The real turning point came during the Maoist insurgency from 1996 to 2006. The People's War mobilized thousands of women—not just as supporters, but as combatants, organizers, and leaders. Their active participation in the conflict lent new visibility to women’s political agency and laid the groundwork for broader demands for inclusion in the post-conflict democratic order. The resulting 2015 Constitution was, in many ways, a product of this transformative period. It established gender quotas as a constitutional obligation, mandating that at least one-third of members in federal and provincial parliaments be women, and that half of all candidates in proportional representation lists be female.

The immediate numerical outcomes of these policies were impressive. In the most recent federal elections, women accounted for approximately 33.4 percent of parliamentarians, a figure that exceeds the regional average and is among the highest in South Asia. At the local level, the figures are even more striking, with women holding over 40 percent of elected posts. These numbers have been widely cited as evidence of Nepal’s success in promoting gender equality. However, when examined closely, the substantive impact of these gains appears far more limited. Many of the women elected through proportional representation quotas occupy positions with minimal decision-making power. Roles such as deputy mayor or vice-chairperson, while formally significant, often lack the authority to shape policy or allocate resources. In contrast, top leadership positions—whether within political parties or executive offices—remain overwhelmingly male-dominated. Even within the federal Cabinet, only one woman currently serves as a minister, raising serious questions about whether the political system is genuinely prepared to share power with women beyond numerical compliance.

The quality of representation is further complicated by the demographics of those women who are elected. Although the constitutional framework calls for inclusivity, in practice, the majority of women who make it into political office tend to come from relatively privileged backgrounds. Women from powerful families, dominant castes, and urban centers are disproportionately represented, while Dalit women, indigenous women, and those from rural or remote areas often find themselves excluded from meaningful participation. This pattern of elite capture undermines the transformative potential of quotas, reinforcing rather than dismantling existing hierarchies. The political parties, while formally adhering to gender quotas, frequently treat women candidates as placeholders—filling a legal requirement rather than supporting their leadership or political development. Many women are not selected based on political experience or grassroots connections but because they are deemed unthreatening to male dominance within party structures.

The electoral system itself also reinforces these limitations. While proportional representation has enabled women to enter politics in greater numbers, it does not foster the kind of competitive legitimacy that comes from direct elections. The first-past-the-post (FPTP) system, which is often viewed as the more prestigious route into Parliament, remains dominated by male candidates. In the most recent elections, only nine women were elected through FPTP, highlighting the difficulty women face when competing without structural support. This imbalance perpetuates the notion that women are only able to succeed politically through artificial mechanisms, rather than through merit, popularity, or political acumen. As a result, women politicians often face skepticism, both within their parties and among the electorate, regarding their legitimacy and capabilities.

Beyond institutional and procedural shortcomings, deeply entrenched cultural norms continue to inhibit women's full political participation. Patriarchal attitudes persist at every level of society, from village councils to the halls of Parliament. Women in politics frequently face discrimination, harassment, and character attacks that their male counterparts do not. Their leadership is often undervalued or scrutinized more harshly, and they are seldom given credit for achievements or policy contributions. This hostile environment not only discourages capable women from entering politics but also weakens the confidence and authority of those who do.

To overcome these challenges, it is not enough to maintain existing quotas. What is needed is a broader transformation of political culture and institutional practice. Quotas should be seen not as an end in themselves but as a means to a more equitable and inclusive system. Political parties must be held accountable not only for nominating women but for mentoring, promoting, and empowering them within their ranks. Legal mandates must be supported by capacity-building initiatives that prepare women—especially from marginalized communities—for leadership roles. Moreover, public discourse must shift to recognize the value of women’s contributions in governance, and to challenge the patriarchal assumptions that continue to limit their political possibilities.

In conclusion, Nepal’s gender quotas have undoubtedly changed the face of politics, introducing more women into elected office than ever before. However, these measures remain insufficient for achieving genuine gender equality. Numbers alone do not guarantee power, influence, or meaningful participation. Without structural reforms to dismantle elite dominance, institutional barriers, and patriarchal norms, quotas risk becoming a ceiling rather than a foundation for progress. True democracy demands not just the presence of women in politics, but their empowerment as leaders, decision-makers, and agents of change.

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